In this final historical chapter on Louis Riel,
I look at him as a Figure of Sacrifice, and I ask for
What and Whom Did He Hang? At that time that it occurred,
French Canada was actually not that sympathetic with the
North West Rebellion led by Riel, and was generally though
not avidly supportive of the government's effort to crush
it, as was discussed previously (Riel 6). (1)
However, Louis Riel's trial for treason by the Canadian
Government under John A. Macdonald changed the French
Canadian view, as "the announcement of the sentence
. . . turned moderation and ambivalence into anger and
outrage." (2) French Canadian political empathy with
the fate of Riel began to resonate with that felt fifteen
years earlier. Given his political and symbolic importance
in the Red River Rebellion as, among other things, a defender
of the French language, leaders in French Canada eventually
came to see Riel's impending fate as representing the
fate of the French generally within Canada.
That the French component of Riel's hybrid identity
was critical in the decision to hang him seemed a legitimate
notion to French Canada given that an English-Canadian
leader of the Rebellion, William Jackson, was found not
guilty by reason of insanity and sentenced to a mental
institution rather than death. The Québec press was not
subtle in assessing this discrepancy: "Why this difference
between Riel and Jackson? Because Jackson is English while
Riel is French-Canadian. . . . . It is only as a French-Canadian
that they want to hang him." (3) Papers such as L'Etendard,
L'Electeur, La Patrie and La Presse
became ever more explicit and vocal about the meaning
of Riel's sentence, as Silver notes:
It was not just Riel, therefore, who was being
victimized by the English Canadians. What was being done
to him 'is just what they intend to do to all French Métis'
The execution of Riel would thus be 'the triumph of Orangism
over Catholicism', a victory of those who wanted to eliminate
the French-Catholic element from the North-West. (4)
As a consequence of this greater sense of affinity
between the Métis and French Canadian causes as signified
by Riel's fate, the press and political leaders in Québec
appealed to the Canadian government for a reduction of
the sentence.
Prime Minister Macdonald's view of the Rebellion
and Riel was actually not that strident vis a vis the
action and actor in of themselves, but was rather much
more calculating with regards to how a commutation of
Riel's sentence might provoke the ire not of Canadians
generally, but of English Canadians specifically. In a
letter to the Governor-General of Canada, Macdonald admitted
that the rebellion "never endangered the safety of
the State . . . [and though] it involved the danger of
an Indian war . . . in that it would be similar to the
arson of a small house." His lack of concern about
the overall political implications of the event itself,
however, only further condemns his unwillingness to consider
reducing Riel's sentence for "fear" of a "popular
outburst of indignation in Ontario and the Northwest,
that may as well be avoided." (5) By contrast, Macdonald
viewed the potential of French indignation dismissively:
There is . . . some sympathy in the province
of Québec, with Riel. This is principally worked up by
the Rouge party for political purposes. Among the inhabitants
of Québec, the recollection of their own rising in 1837
and of their "martyrs" still lingers, and Riel's
rebellion in 1869 was believed by them then to be under
the same circumstances as caused by their own Holy War. (6)
As the political and press voices from Québec became
more and more vocal, across party lines, Macdonald's concern
with the French view shifted from one of dismissiveness
to outright hostility. In response to the French efforts
to reduce the sentence, Prime Minister Macdonald Adeclared:
"He shall hang though every dog in Québec bark in
his favor." (7) Riel was hung on November 16, 1885.
Less than a week after Riel's execution, "a
great meeting of mourning and protest was held in Montreal"
where speakers "extolled Riel as a pitiable victim
of English oppression and Protestant bigotry." (8) At
this rally, attended on some counts by up to 50,000 people,
Honorè Mercier, the leader of the Liberal Party in Québec
echoed the French historical analogy noted by Macdonald,
"Riel died on the scaffold, as the [French] patriots of
1837 died. "Referring to Macdonald, Mercier asserted
that Ain killing Riel, Sir John has not only struck at
the heart of our race but especially at the cause of justice
and humanity." With this massive number of his fellow
French Canadians before him, Mercier thought it the proper
moment to propose that "in order to defend French
Canada against English injury and oppression, both Liberals
and Conservatives in the province of Québec should unite
to form a single 'parti national'. (9) `In this way, the state
execution of the leader of two rebellions defined in great
part by the claims and concerns of indigenous people became
an act serving the political worldviews of English and
French leaders in Canada.
A week before Riel's death, the Anglo Prime Minister
sees the forthcoming execution not in terms of its relationship
to indigenous people but as defining the relationship
to Québec, and thus defining the contours of the Canadian
nation's dominant political culture. A week after the
execution, on the other hand, French leaders see Riel's
death not as a consequence of racism and the colonization
of indigenous lands and culture but as a result of, to
name one, Protestant bigotry against Catholics despite
the fact that Riel passionately disavowed Catholicism
and the Pope in his final years. Furthermore, his death
stands not as a call to stand up for indigenous rights
but rather as a call to solidify and institutionalize
Québec nationalism. This example illustrates the manner
in which the boundaries of Canadian political culture
were physically expanded, institutionally strengthened
and culturally defined not simply at the exclusion of
indigenous people and indigenous political culture, but
rather by exploiting, appropriating and re-defining indigenous
people's political and social existence. In this regard,
Riel represented neither the outside or the other side
of the boundary, but rather he stood for the boundary
itself, as a limit.
For English Canada, Riel defined the limit - as
opposed to say a French person of Québec - of how far
French Canada would be able to influence English Canada.
Similarly, for French Canada, Riel defined the limit of
English Canada's oppression. This national issue manifests
itself in a fight between the English and French over
the boundaries and limits of Canadian political life,
but in the end it is a Métis man, fighting for primarily
indigenous-defined political claims, who is executed.
This example of how the French and English work out the
boundaries of Canadian politics through indigenous people's
political identity represents a sort of triangular component
of indigenous politics in Canada in the nineteenth century.
The constitutive European groups of Canada viewed
and encountered indigenous groups in a manner which best
facilitated the formation of the Canadian state. Specifically,
the English and French did so in the course of working
out the inequities in their own relationship. The convergence
of British, French and indigenous political cultures in
the early years of the nation's history served to forewarn
the physical, cultural and political processes and relations
of domination in Canada. The effort to construct this
Euro-american state and national identity required that
the indigenous people occupying the desired territories
be not simply excluded, but encountered and positioned
in the political landscape in a way which clearly established
and demarcated non-indigenous sovereignty in heretofore
indigenous territory. The relationship between the French,
English and indigenous groups tied together these peoples
and constituted the legal and cultural boundaries of Canadian
identity, which to this day serve as the legal and cultural
location of indigenous people's political activities and
claim-making in the Canadian context. In the final chapter
of this look at Louis Riel, I will look at the general
symbolic place of Riel in Canadian political culture and
the meaning of his legacy for political activists and
visions in the contemporary era.
(1) On the whole, French Canadians viewed the rebellion as an 'illegal' action against the Canadian state, and as such they were supportive of the military expedition to quell this action. However, to deal with the balance between supporting Canadian sovereignty and acknowledging the regional political identity of the Québécois, it was suggested by some local French elite that when deploying French troops mustered into the expedition, such as the 65th Battalion out of Montreal, "it might be wiser, considering public opinion, to send other battalions to the front instead." (Silver 1982, p. 154) Thus, in terms of the North West Rebellion itself, the image of French Canadian troops fighting for Canadian sovereignty, yet not as part of the expedition's avant garde, nicely depicts the political ambivalence felt by the French toward Métis political identity.
(2) A. I. Silver. The French-Canadian Idea of Confederation, 1864-1900. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982), p. 158.
(3) L'Electeur, August 7, 1885. Translation by Silver (1982), p. 160.
(4) Silver (1982), p. 161.
(5) From Sir John Macdonald to Governor-General the Marquess of Lansdowne. Rivière de Loup. September 3, 1885. Macdonald Corr., pp. 357, 358.
(6) From Sir John Macdonald to Governor-General the Marquess of Lansdowne. Rivière de Loup. August 28, 1885. Macdonald Corr., pp. 355.
(7) Alan D. McMillan, Native Peoples and Cultures of Canada. (Vancouver and Toronto: Douglas & McIntyre, 1988), p. 285.
(8) Donald Creighton. Canada's First Century (Toronto: Macmillian of Canada, 1970) , p. 57.
(9) Creighton, p.57.